Why the U.S.
involvements in Vietnam and Korea (and Iraq) were (and are) necessary...
by “Matlock” (RVN '67-'69)
It's been
close to thirty-five years since I served in Vietnam. As I look back over those
three-plus decades the importance of America's involvement in both the
Korean and Vietnamese Wars has become clear. It was either Vietnam and Korea, or a third World War.
Now, I realize this opinion may not match the “popular” viewpoint of
academicians and historians. That may be because we Americans often only look
at the world through the American point of view and ignore the factors which
affect our foes’ decision-making processes. However, if we try to look at the
times through “Soviet eyes” and “American eyes” simultaneously, the events of
1950-1973 take a different perspective than the historians would have us
believe.
Now, I’m not trying to condemn the academicians and historians. They based
their opinions on the data at hand, and almost all of that data were generated
in the West. Unfortunately, these opinions did not incorporate the information
now available from the countries which comprised former Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR) and recently declassified American documents. The
demise of the USSR
has presented the West with access both to Soviet documents which recorded the
Soviet opinions and plans post-WWII through 1975, and personnel whose jobs were
to devise Soviet strategic military plans.
The euphoria of 1946 brought by the end of World War II spawned a political
polarization of the Allied Forces. The USSR
(Russia and its conquered
subordinates) and Mainland China
went one way as communist; America
and Western Europe another as capitalists.
This political schism initiated a Russian-controlled imperialism and a Chinese
isolationism. Meanwhile, the West concentrated on its economic recovery from
the ravages of war.
The division between the Communist and Capitalist societies continued to
quickly grow. World leaders recognized the growing militarism of the two
Communist superpowers – the USSR
and the People's Republic of China
(PRC). Fear of Communist imperialism beyond the USSR and PRC borders led to the
formation of several military alliances, with the more recognizable being the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949 and the Southeast Asian
Treaty Organization (SEATO) in 1954. That fear proved to be justified.
The Korean peninsula found itself to be the first full-scale test of the
military resolve of the Communists and the Capitalists. The Communists came
forward with a tactical doctrine which stressed overwhelming the Capitalist
forces by brute-force-in-numbers. Many a Korean veteran have told the tale of
there being more charging Chinese than there were bullets to stop them. The PRC
was the Communist antagonist in this conflict, providing the logistics and much
of the manpower for Communist military machine. North Korean and Chinese losses
were staggering, yet their tactical doctrine never changed. Never being able to
break the United Nations forces led by the United States, the Communists
eventually halted their assault. The end result could best be considered a
stalemate which still officially exists as a "Cease-Fire."
The latter 1950's brought forth what was described as a "cold war"
among nations. Cold turned to hot in Southeast Asia
as the Vietnamese sought to rid themselves of the French Colonialists. The USSR and PRC
teamed to provide all of the military logistical support to the Vietnamese
forces under Ho Chi Minh. This war later changed from being a perceived Vietnamese
struggle for independence to what could be called the ultimate BETA test of
Communist versus Capitalist military power and resolve.
With the withdrawal of the French, Vietnam became split into North and
South. The South attempted to form a capitalistic democratic government while
the North went communist. Ho Chi Minh, a devout Communist and the most
recognized personality in Vietnam,
became the leader of the North. He prescribed a unification of Vietnam under
communism. Fueled by total USSR
and PRC logistical support, North
Vietnam sought this unification via a
military solution.
The logistical support provided by USSR and PRC to North Vietnam did not come without
conditions. Russian and Chinese military advisors and observers permeated the
North Vietnamese forces and were involved in the formation and execution of
strategic and tactical doctrine. While the North Vietnamese may have been
motivated by idealism, the USSR
and PRC had their own agenda - 1) to acquire strategic bases from which to
control the seaways from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean;
and 2) to test out weaponry and tactics against the American-led forces with
“expendable” forces. The concept of "no free lunch" also applies to
the subsidizing of a military action by an outsider to the conflict.
As the Vietnam War expanded due to total USSR/PRC logistical support and the United States' direct military intervention, the
situation in Europe was also getting hotter.
The build-up of forces by the USSR
and NATO on both sides of the Iron Curtain gave fear to the outbreak of World
War III. Both sides were constantly engaged in Corps and Division-level
military maneuvers, often within sight of each other. There were constant
political and diplomatic battles between USSR and NATO members, and the
potential of escalation of these wars-of-words to military actions was real.
Several times throughout the 1960's Europe saw both USSR and NATO forces at wartime
alert status.
The question is, why didn't the USSR
and NATO go to war in Europe? The conditions
were ripe for another European war. The military armament was there. The
antagonism existed. The politicians were always saber-rattling. What kept World
War III from happening?
My belief is that the military experiences of Vietnam
and Korea prevented the
Soviets from attacking Europe.
To understand why the Soviets never left the Iron Curtain borders, we must look
at the situation as would a Soviet military strategist. The Soviet attack
doctrine for Europe was long known as involving a “blitzkrieg” type of attack
via an immense force spearheaded mainly through Germany’s “Fulda Gap” region. To
support this thrust, the Soviets would have to rely on long logistical support
lines and captured Allied military stockpiles. As the Soviet logistics lines
would be spread thin, the Soviets were potentially vulnerable to an Allied
flanking counterattack from both the Northern side through Scandinavia and the
Southern side through Iran
(a US
ally at that time).
In order to neutralize a Southern side counterattack, the Soviet Navy would
have to be able to control the approaches to Iran
via the Indian Ocean. In order to do this, the
Soviet Navy needed to control the sea lanes entering the Indian
Ocean. Such a task required military naval bases in the South
China Sea - an area within the naval logistical support range of the Soviets
through existing bases along the Western Pacific Ocean.
From the Soviet perspective, a USA/NATO Southern Side counterattack required
open sea lanes from the USA West Coast, Australia, Japan,
South Korea
and The Philippines in order to logistically support such a military action. If
the Soviets could obtain control of South Vietnam
- strategically well-located for naval opeerations - then the Soviets could
individually gain control over Thailand,
Malaysia and Singapore, resulting in total military
domination of the sea lanes entering the Indian Ocean from the USA’s
logistical centers.
The People’s Republic of China’s
position throughout this time was one of strategic patience. Peking did not care
if Moscow wanted Europe.
Peking knew that the USSR
could not militarily or administratively sustain itself in Southeast Asia for
any considerable period of time, and eventually Peking would inherit Vietnam, Thailand,
Malaysia
and the rest due mainly to Soviet inability to maintain control over these
entities.
Historians have continually discounted the “Domino Theory” of a Communist
Southeast Asia takeover because the belief was the Communists were intent
solely on spreading their socioeconomic ideology. The “Domino Theory” was
totally realistic and necessary when viewed as a Soviet military doctrine to
support a European invasion. That was the only way the Soviets could insure
control of those prized sea lanes.
When we look at the military history of the Vietnam War, it becomes obvious
that Vietnam
was never about winning or losing, but rather about preventing an expansion of
Soviet military control over a highly strategic location.
As mentioned earlier, Vietnam
was also the BETA test site for Soviet doctrine and weaponry. History has
recorded that despite unlimited USSR/PRC logistical support, training and
assistance, the North Vietnamese forces sustained manpower losses of over a
million soldiers. Additionally, while there were battles where the North
Vietnamese forces had some military success, these successes were extremely
rare and never sustained to any degree. So, the Communist's tactical
force-on-force doctrine - the doctrine the USSR
trained its forces to apply in potential European-initiated war - failed in Vietnam to defeat the corresponding American
military doctrine, just as that same Communist military doctrine had failed in Korea.
Ironically, the Soviet’s later experience in Afghanistan again proved that
Soviet tactics were of marginal success against a guerilla force.
As to North Vietnam's
eventual success in achieving a unified Vietnam
under Communism, one must examine the differences between Korean and Vietnam for how
that happened. In the Korean Conflict, a "Cease-Fire" occurred which
has lasted for forty-five years due mainly to the forceful military presence of
American troops in South Korea and the dedication of the South Koreans into
maintaining well-trained and well-equipped armed forces. On the other hand, South Vietnam,
after several decades of continuous and destructive warfare and governmental
ineptness, lost the will to continue a war within its borders.
Meanwhile, Soviet military analysts learned several valuable lessons while
using North Vietnamese as cannon-fodder. This knowledge amplified the high risk
of a potential military failure in Europe. The
first of these lessons was that the American/Allied military forces were much
better equipped, disciplined and trained than their Soviet counterparts. As a
result, the Soviet brute-force-of-numbers doctrine, whether in small unit
engagements or force-on-force match-ups, had little hope of ultimately
defeating American/Allied forces.
The second lesson was that America
and its Allies would indeed utilize its military force when threatened or to
retaliate, and that a Soviet staging-to-war may bring the NATO forces to launch
a preemptive strike against the Soviets. While America's
long-term political/social resolve was obviously questionable, America’s
willingness to immediately respond to a military challenge was demonstrated
time after time. Also, the combat capability of the American military was
exceptional, and proved it could withstand any Soviet full-scale aggression.
The third lesson was that the American forces were well led. For as long as the
Vietnam
War lasted, the American military maintained a policy of rotating troops after
one-year tours-in-combat. That policy had provided the American forces in Europe and the military reserves both stateside and
OCONUS with a seasoned cadre of combat-tested and experienced leaders at all
levels command - from fire team leaders to Corps commanders. Any military
analyst knows that it is one thing to confront an opponent having little-to-no
combat experience; and another thing altogether to engage an opponent whose
leaders, tactics, equipment and front-line personnel are battle-tested.
The fourth lesson was that the only military option left to the Communists
against the West, should the USSR
conduct a preemptive attack, was the nuclear one. Since the West's nuclear
arsenal was the Soviet’s equal, a nuclear battle would have resulted in mutual
annihilation and a devastated planet - hardly a victory in anyone's opinion!
There are many who believe that the American military lost the Vietnam War
because South Vietnam
is now unified into a communist-run nation. This is a short-sighted and
unrealistic opinion which does not take into account any of the military
circumstances and actions of the times. Such an opinion does not recognize the
obvious - had the United States
not intervened in Vietnam,
as it had in Korea, there
probably would have been another World War initiated in Europe.
To my fellow Vietnam Veterans, to all Korean Conflict veterans, and also to the
new generation of Mideast veterans - be proud!
The veterans' deeds and sacrifices have given mankind; 1) almost sixty years
without a world war; 2) time to allow for a reduction in the potential of
nuclear disaster; 3) the opportunity to witness the demise of the Communism
from a global threat to that of a regional cultism; and 4) the hope that
international terrorism initiated due to ideological differences may not be the
next catalyst to global disaster.
The Mideast (Iraq and Afghanistan) War is essentially no different
than Vietnam and Korea. There is
a major ideological difference between the combatants. People have been and are
still being killed because of that ideological difference. The potential for
global warfare occurring due to the ideological difference is very real. And,
unless all efforts are taken to mitigate these differences - militarily and
sociologically - hell on earth can still happen.
The real “weapon of mass destruction” is governmental apathy when faced with
severe and imminent danger to the citizenry - ask Neville Chamberlain!
Being a Vietnam, Korean or Mideast veteran is to have an inner pride in knowing the
world is a safer place because of our actions. The facts show those who served
in uniform during those terrible times indeed saved this planet from the hell
of another world war and continue to do so. May we never forget those who gave
the ultimate sacrifice to allow us the chance for these reflections.
...Matlock //Combat Veterans Motorcycle Association//
EPILOGUE: The opinions expressed within this article are mine alone. They are
based on thirty-plus years of trying to understand the “why” behind the actions
of all the Vietnam War major participants.
© SJZ (2004) – all rights reserved.